Harold Meyerson

Harold Meyerson is the executive editor of The American ProspectHis email is hmeyerson@prospect.org.

Recent Articles


AP Photo/ Evan Vucci
Scott Sommerdorf/The Salt Lake Tribune via AP People react to the announcement that Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump has carried another state, while gathering at a Democratic election night party at Sheraton Hotel in Salt Lake City on Tuesday, November 8, 2016. I t wasn’t James Comey who did her in. It sure wasn’t Jill Stein or Gary Johnson. It was her husband. No, not because of Bill Clinton’s personal financial dealings or sexual behavior. Because of his economic policy, which was the establishment economic policy. NAFTA. Permanent Normal Trade Relations with China. Signing financial legislation that crucially omitted any regulation of derivatives. Last night, the Rust Belt—whose rust buildup Bill Clinton signally contributed to by signing deals that offshored millions of decent-paying jobs—revolted. Last night, from Pennsylvania in the east to Iowa in the West, one formerly-solid Democratic state after another saw their white working class, their small town and rural...

The Trump Financial Panic

(Photo: Evan Vucci)
Donald Trump in Warren, Michigan, on October 31 T here’s a lot to pay attention to these days, what with new polling results popping up every five minutes and possibly the best damn World Series Game 7 ever. So you have a perfectly good excuse if you haven’t been watching the markets grow increasingly nervous as the prospects of a Donald Trump victory next Tuesday have risen from impossible to—well, possible. Consider: The Dow dropped 150 points in the few minutes after news of FBI chief James Comey’s letter to Congress became public last Friday. The VIX—short for Volatility Index, which measures financial traders’ anticipation of market instability—rose by 5.4 percent in the same brief period. “Wall Street’s bet against fear,” The Wall Street Journal reported on Monday, “is starting to wane.” And that’s just a foreshock of the 9-point quake that would follow in the event of a Trump victory. “The conventional wisdom,” The New York Times ’ Andrew Ross Sorkin wrote the same day, “is...

Democrats Get Out the Vote. Republicans Suppress It.

(Photo: AP/Jim Mone)
(Photo: AP/Jim Mone) A voter passes a sign in Minneapolis on September 23, 2016. I t’s during the homestretch of campaigns that political parties often reveal their deepest identities, and that’s never been truer than it is this year. What really distinguishes the Democrats from the Republicans this fall isn’t their ideologies, their platforms, or even their candidates, though there’s contrast aplenty in each of those. What really distinguishes the two parties is what they’re actually doing in the campaign’s final weeks. The Democrats are trying to get out the vote. The Republicans are trying to suppress it. To be sure, Republicans have something of an operation to turn out their vote, but Donald Trump has failed to focus on building it—raising the funds, hiring the managers, directing his zealots to pound the pavement. Instead, he’s all but directed his zealots to pound black and Latino voters at the polls, should they have the presumption to show up to vote. But we shouldn’t blame...

Trump’s Refusal to Accept Election’s Legitimacy Is No Surprise

(Photo: AP/David Goldman)
(Photo: AP/David Goldman) Donald Trump speaks during the third presidential debate on October 19, 2016. D onald Trump’s Jeezus-Christ-Did-He-Really-Say-That Moment last night—saying he wouldn’t guarantee that he’d accept the result of the impending presidential election—didn’t come out of the blue. Herewith, two explanations. Explanation One (the short one): People seem to have forgotten Trump’s answer to the very first question at this year’s very first prime-time presidential debate, which featured the ten highest-polling Republican presidential candidates. The moderator asked the debaters to raise their hands if they’d pledge to back the eventual Republican nominee, whoever that was going to be. Nine hands went up. Trump’s did not. By suggesting he might oppose the nomination of anyone but himself, leaving open the possibility he might run as an independent candidate, the conventional wisdom was that he’d hurt himself, possibly fatally, with the Republican electorate (certainly,...

The Nightstalker

Donald Trump’s wandering, ominous presence at the debate called to mind a famous monster—though his pronouncements were more monstrous still.

AP Photo/John Locher
AP Photo/John Locher Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump listens to Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton during the second presidential debate at Washington University in St. Louis, Sunday, October 9, 2016. T his October, Turner Classic Movies—the only television station I watch with some frequency—is devoting its Sunday evenings to old Frankenstein films. When last night’s Clinton-Trump debate was done, I switched to TCM, which was in the last half hour of The House of Frankenstein , and suddenly, a question lurking in the back of my mind as I’d watched the debate— who does Donald Trump remind me of? —found its answer. Because, let’s face it: Trump is looking progressively weirder as the campaign drags on. Up until now, his affect has been more Mussolini than anyone else: upraised chin (so as to obscure any senior sag), sneering mouth, increasingly rigid facial and body motion. But last night, as he stalked around the stage, his face a scowling rectangle, his hair...